Ebook Gallery

Ausstellung: William Morris and the Arts & Crafts movement in Great Britain

Datum: 22. Februar – 20. Mai 2018

Museum: Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya | Barcelona Spain

Das ästhetische Unbehagen, das sich um die Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts auszubreiten begann und bis in die heutige Zeit anhält, ist von anderer Art als jenes, unter dem vorangegangene Epochen litten. Auch wenn sich schon unsere Vorfahren gerne darüber beschwerten, dass die Kunst ihrer Zeit weniger gut oder schön sei als die Kunst der Vergangenheit, war man über diese Minderwertigkeit niemals zuvor so bestürzt gewesen noch hatte man sie in diesem Ausmaß als einen Vorwurf gegen die eigene Zivilisation und als Symptom einer Gesellschaftskrankheit gesehen.

Wir, die wir heute in vieler Hinsicht so viel mächtiger sind als frühere Generationen, schämen uns, dass wir in künstlerischer Hinsicht unfähiger sind als viele der so genannten unzivilisierten Völker. Tatsächlich sind wir heute in der Lage, Dinge zu produzieren, die niemals zuvor produziert wurden; aber wir beseelen sie nicht mit unseren Gefühlen. Die neuen Städte, die wir in so kurzer Zeit gebaut haben und die sich so rasant ausdehnen, scheinen uns im Vergleich zu den kleinen, langsam gewachsenen Städten der Vergangenheit entweder stumpf und ausdruckslos oder aber pompös – der Ausdruck von etwas, das wir lieber nicht hätten ausdrücken mögen. Genau dies meinen wir, wenn wir die Hässlichkeit moderner Artefakte beklagen, die uns entweder nichts sagen oder etwas, was wir nicht hören mögen, so dass uns eine Welt ohne sie lieber wäre.

In unserer modernen Welt besteht ein krasser Gegensatz zwischen der Schönheit der Natur und der Hässlichkeit der vom Menschen geschaffenen Erzeugnisse, der in vergangenen Epochen gar nicht oder nur in sehr viel geringerem Maß spürbar war. In unseren Augen verunzieren die Städte die Landschaft, ja selbst ein einziges modernes Haus kommt uns vor wie ein Schandfleck auf der Erde.

Bis ins 18. Jahrhundert verstand der Handwerker seine Arbeit als eine Verschönerung der Natur – oder zumindest als mit der Natur in vollkommener Harmonie stehend. Noch heute spüren wir diese Harmonie in einer Dorfkirche, einem alten Landhaus oder einem alten Cottage mit Strohdach, so einfach diese Bauten auch von der Konstruktion her sein mögen, und fragen uns, worin das uns offenbar abhanden gekommene Geheimnis besteht.

Der Verlust dieses Geheimnisses liegt in der Zeit zwischen 1790 und 1830. Sicher, auch vor dieser Zeit gab es aufwändige Kunstwerke, die man nur als hässlich bezeichnen kann, doch danach wurde plötzlich alles hässlich, nicht allein durch eine perverse Verkünstelung, sondern durch schäbige Handwerksarbeit, minderwertigere Materialien und mangelnde Entwurfskraft. Es trat eine erschreckende Nivellierung des allgemeinen Geschmacks ein. Um die Mitte des 18.

Jahrhunderts kamen sowohl in England als auch in Frankreich „dekadente“ Möbel auf, die nicht für den täglichen Gebrauch, sondern als Luxus für die Reichen gedacht waren: Die satten Vertreter der Bourgeoisie umgaben sich mit einer Fassade geschmackloser Prunkstücke. Die Möbel für den praktischen Gebrauch hingegen waren nach wie vor schlicht und einfach, von solider handwerklicher Qualität und ausgewogen proportioniert. Es wurden pompöse Paläste gebaut und prunkvoll ausgestattet, während die Häuser bescheiden konstruiert und einfach möbliert waren. Was immer die Handwerker ohne künstlerische Ansprüche schufen, fertigten sie mit Geschick und in guter Qualität; ihre Arbeit war von einer unaufdringlichen, unbewussten Schönheit, die keine Aufmerksamkeit auf sich zog – bis es zu spät und das Geheimnis verloren war. Als dann die Katastrophe eintrat, betraf sie weniger die von wohlhabenden Gönnern unterstützten „höheren“ Künste wie die Malerei, sondern die angewandten oder „geringeren“

Künste, die auf eine unbewusste, universale Vorliebe für schlichtes Design und gute Handwerksarbeit gründen. Noch gab es große Maler wie Joseph M. W. Turner und John Constable, doch weder Arme noch Reiche konnten Möbel oder Dinge des täglichen Bedarfs kaufen, die anders als hässlich waren. Jedes neue Gebäude war entweder vulgär oder abstoßend oder gar beides. Wo man auch hinsah, überall paarten sich hässliche, unnütze Ornamente mit schlechter Verarbeitung und schäbigen Materialien.

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Exhibition: William Morris and the Arts & Crafts movement in Great Britain

Date: February 22 – May 20, 2018

Venue: Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya | Barcelona Spain

From the middle of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century, we have passed through a period of aesthetic discontent which continues and which is distinct from the many kinds of discontent by which men have been troubled in former ages. No doubt aesthetic discontent has existed before; men have often complained that the art of their own time was inferior to the art of the past; but they have never before been so conscious of this inferiority or felt that it was a reproach to their civilisation and a symptom of some disease affecting the whole of their society.

We, powerful in many things beyond any past generation of men, feel that in this one respect we are more impotent than many tribes of savages. We can make things such as men have never made before; but we cannot express any feelings of our own in the making of them, and the vast new world of cities which we have made and are making so rapidly, seems to us, compared with the little slow-built cities of the past, either blankly inexpressive or pompously expressive of something which we would rather not have expressed. That is what we mean when we complain of the ugliness of most modern things made by men. They say nothing to us or they say what we do not want to hear, and therefore we should prefer a world without them.

For us there is a violent contrast between the beauty of nature and the ugliness of man’s work which most past ages have felt little or not at all. We think of a town as spoiling the country, and even of a single modern house as a blot on the face of the earth. But in the past, until the eighteenth century, men thought that their own handiwork heightened the beauty of nature or was, at least, in perfect harmony with it. We are aware of this harmony in a village church or an old manor house or a thatched cottage, however plain these may be; and wonder at it as a secret that we have lost.

Indeed, it is a secret definitely lost in a period of about forty years, between 1790 and 1830. In the middle of the eighteenth century, foolish furniture, not meant for use, was made for the rich, both in France and in England; furniture meant to be used was simple, well made, and well proportioned. Palaces might have been pompous and irrational, but plain houses still possessed the merits of plain furniture. Indeed, whatever men made, without trying to be artistic, they made well; and their work had a quiet unconscious beauty, which passed unnoticed until the secret of it was lost.

When the catastrophe came, it affected less those arts such as painting, which are supported by the conscious patronage of the rich, than those more universal and necessary arts which are maintained by a general and unconscious liking for good workmanship and rational design. There were still painters like Turner and Constable, but soon neither rich nor poor could buy new furniture or any kind of domestic implement that was not hideous. Every new building was vulgar or mean, or both. Everywhere the ugliness of irrelevant ornament was combined with the meanness of grudged material and bad workmanship.

At the time no one seems to have noticed this change. None of the great poets of the Romantic Movement, except perhaps Blake, gives a hint of it. They turned with an unconscious disgust from the works of man to nature; and if they speak of art at all it is the art of the Middle Ages, which they enjoyed because it belonged to the past. Indeed the Romantic Movement, so far as it affected the arts at all, only afflicted them with a new disease. The Gothic revival, which was a part of the Romantic movement, expressed nothing but a vague dislike of the present with all its associations and a vague desire to conjure up the associations of the past as they were conjured up in Romantic poetry. Pinnacles, pointed arches and stained glass windows were symbols, like that blessed word Mesopotamia; and they were used without propriety or understanding. In fact, the revival meant nothing except that the public was sick of the native ugliness of its own time and wished to make an excursion into the past, as if for change of air and scene.

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Ausstellung: Toulouse-Lautrec and the Pleasures of the Belle Époque

Datum: Feb 8 – Mai 6 , 2018

Museum: Canal de Isabel II Foundation , Madrid.

Ein frustrierter und erfolgloser Künstler klagte in einer Illustration in der politischsatirischen Wochenschrift Simplicissimus des Jahres 1910, inmitten seines chaotischen Familienlebens mit schreienden Kindern, auf dem Boden verstreuten Spielsachen und einer Ehefrau, die auf einer im Atelier gespannten Leine die Wäsche aufhängt, zu malen versucht, folgendes:

Wäre man Franzose, tot, pervers – oder am besten alles zusammen: ein toter, perverser Franzose – ja, dann könnte man leben!„

Der Gedanke der Unvereinbarkeit von Genius und Häuslichkeit war sicherlich nicht neu, doch zeigt der Ausspruch des Künstlers, wie schnell Geschichten über das turbulente Leben und den frühen Tod der beiden Maler Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec und Paul Gauguin zum Gegenstand volkstümlicher Legenden wurden. Mehr als viele andere trugen Lautrec, der im Jahre 1901 als 37-Jähriger und Gauguin, der als 55-Jähriger im Jahre 1903 starb, sowie Vincent van Gogh, gebürtiger Holländer und Wahlfranzose, dazu bei, die landläufige Meinung von einem Künstler des 20. Jahrhunderts zu prägen.

Obgleich die Idee vom Künstler als einem sich selbst zerstörenden Außenseiter am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts mit Toulouse-Lautrec, Gauguin und van Gogh ihren Höhepunkt erreichte, lässt sich ihr Ursprung doch bis ins ausgehende 18. Jahrhundert zurückverfolgen, als politische, kulturelle und ökonomische Umwälzungen verändernd auf die Sichtweise der Künstler von sich selbst und ihre Beziehung zur Umwelt einwirkten. Im Jahre 1765 malte Maurice Quentin de La Tour, Pastellmaler im ,Ancien Régime’, sich selbst als hoffnungsvollen Höfling mit gepuderter Perücke, Samtjacke und gewinnendem Lächeln.

Sein Zeitgenosse Chardin stellte sich, wenn auch weniger selbstgefällig und praktischer gekleidet, ebenfalls als wohlwollendes und zufriedenes Mitglied der Gesellschaft von niedrigerem Rang dar. Aber zwei oder drei Jahrzehnte später war dieses wohlwollende Lächeln auf den Gesichtern der neuen Generation von jungen Künstlern wie Jacques-Louis David, Heinrich Füßli und William Turner verschwunden. Das waren junge Männer mit kompliziertem, ja sogar gestörtem Gemütsleben, deren wilder Blick dem Betrachter herausfordernd aus den Selbstporträts entgegensah.

Eine Verbindung zwischen den ärgerlichen jungen Männern der Romantik und den ,peintres maudits’ (den ,verdammten Malern’) des ausgehenden 19. Jahrhunderts bildete Gustave Courbet, der in den 1840er bis 1850er Jahren mit einer Reihe von Selbstporträts den Mythos des Künstlers als Außenseiter begründete, der dann in dem berühmten Bild Bonjour M. Courbet (Guten Tag, Monsieur Courbet) gipfelte.

Durch die unkonventionelle, bohemehafte Erscheinung und die arrogant-vornehme Körperhaltung, in der Courbet seinen wohlhabenden, bürgerlichen Gönner grüßt, stellt das Bild eine Verhöhnung gesellschaftlicher Gepflogenheiten dar. Toulouse-Lautrec gefiel sich ebenfalls in der Rolle des unkonventionellen Außenseiters und zelebrierte diese Haltung in einer Serie kunstvoll arrangierter Gruppenfotos, die ihn selbst mit seinen Freunden in unerhört geschmackloser Maskerade darstellen.

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Exposition : Toulouse-Lautrec and the Pleasures of the Belle Époque

Exprimant ses désillusions, sur une illustration de 1910 de lÊhebdomadaire politico-satirique Simplicissimus, un peintre méconnu s’exclame :  « Si j’étais Français, mort ou pervers ou mieux encore, tout cela à la fois alors oui, il ferait bon vivre ! »

On y voit l’artiste qui, au milieu des turbulences de la vie familiale et des cris d’enfants, tente de s’adonner à son fluvre dans un atelier jonché de jouets éparpillés par terre et traversé par une corde à linge sur laquelle sa femme étend une lessive.

L’idée que le génie et les contingences de la vie quotidienne ne sont guère conciliables n’est certes pas neuve, mais les propos tenus ici par le peintre illustrent le rôle qu’ont joué dans l’imaginaire populaire les anecdotes entourant la vie dissolue et la mort prématurée des deux peintres Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec et Paul Gauguin. Lautrec, mort en 1901 à l’âge de trente-sept ans et Gauguin, mort en 1903 à cinquantecinq ans, ainsi que Vincent van Gogh, d’origine hollandaise et Français d’adoption, contribuèrent plus que bien d’autres à forger l’idée que l’on se fait généralement de l’artiste du XXe siècle.

S’il est vrai que la conception de l’artiste en tant que marginal autodestructeur atteint son apogée à la fin du XIXe siècle avec Toulouse-Lautrec, Gauguin et Van Gogh, on peut néanmoins retrouver son origine à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, période où des bouleversements politiques, culturels et économiques modifièrent la façon dont les artistes percevaient leur propre personne et leur relation au monde qui les entourait. En 1765, Maurice Quentin de la Tour, peintre pastelliste de l’Ancien Régime, réalisa un autoportrait où il apparaît en courtisan confiant, arborant une perruque poudrée, un gilet de velours et un sourire engageant.

Quant à Chardin, s’il est moins suffisant et habillé de façon plus pratique, il se représenta néanmoins en membre bienveillant et satisfait d’une société plus modeste. Toutefois, vingt ou trente ans plus tard, ce sourire bienveillant avait disparu des visages de la nouvelle génération de jeunes artistes comme Jacques-Louis David, Johann Heinrich Füssli ou William Turner. Ils étaient de jeunes gens ayant une vie sentimentale compliquée, voire même déséquilibrée qui, du haut de leur autoportrait, fixaient le spectateur d’un regard farouche et provocateur.

La transition entre les jeunes gens en colère de l’époque romantique et les peintres maudits de la fin du XIXe siècle passe par Gustave Courbet qui, des années 1840 aux années 1850, par une série dÊautoportraits, créa le mythe de lÊartiste en tant que marginal, mythe qui atteignit son summum dans le célèbre tableau Bonjour M. Courbet.

Par l’aspect peu conventionnel et bohémien de Courbet, la façon arrogante et distinguée dont il se tient en saluant son mécène, un riche bourgeois, le tableau tourne en ridicule les usages de la société.

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Exhibition: Toulouse-Lautrec and the Pleasures of the Belle Époque

Date: February, 8 – May, 6 , 2018

Venue: Canal de Isabel II Foundation , Madrid.

Frustrated and unsuccessful, an artist laments in an illustration in the German satirical magazine Simplicissimus issued in 1910: “You know, if one were a Frenchman, or dead, or a pervert – best of all, a dead French pervert – it might be possible to enjoy life!”. He is endeavouring to paint while his domestic life crowds in on him from every direction:children run about screaming, toys lie scattered on the floor, and his wife is hanging up washing on a line stretched across his studio.

The idea that genius and domesticity are incompatible with one another was hardly new, but the artist’s comment shows how quickly the turbulent lives and premature deaths of Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec and Paul Gauguin had entered popular mythology. Lautrec, who died aged thirty-seven in 1901, Gauguin, who died aged fifty-five in 1903, and the Dutch-born but French-by-adoption Vincent van Gogh did more than any others to colour popular ideas about the ‘artist’ in the twentieth century.

Although the notion of the artist as a self-destructive outsider reached its peak at the end of the nineteenth century with Lautrec, Gauguin and van Gogh, its origin can be traced back to the late eighteenth century when political, cultural and economic revolutions transformed the way artists saw themselves and their relations with the world around them. In 1765, under the ancien régime, the pastel artist Maurice Quentin de La Tour depicted himself as an aspiring courtier, with powdered wig, velvet jacket and an ingratiating smile.

Somewhat less pretentiously and dressed a good deal more practically, his contemporary Jean-Baptiste Siméon Chardin also showed himself as a well-adjusted and contented member of society on a lower social rung. Two or three decades later, the smiles and benign expressions no longer appear on the faces of a new generation of young artists including Jacques-Louis David, Henry Fuseli and Joseph Turner. These are young men in complex and even tormented states of mind, whose self-portraits challenge the viewer with their ferocious stares.

A link between the angry young men of Romanticism and the peintres maudits of the late nineteenth century is provided by Gustave Courbet who, in the 1840s and 50s, developed the myth of the artist in a series of self-portraits culminating famous Bonjour M. Courbet.

In this painting, Courbet flouts social conventions with his bohemian appearance and his lordly body language as he greets his wealthy bourgeois patron. Lautrec, too, relished in the role of bohemian outsider, and celebrated it in a series of elaboratelyposed group photographs of himself and his friends in outrageous fancy-dress costumes. Most hilariously, in 1884 he painted a parody of Pierre Puvis de Chavannes’ noble masterpiece The Sacred Grove Cherished by the Arts and Muses in which he shows himself and his drunken friends bursting precipitately into the sacred grove. He emphasises his own grotesque and dwarflike appearance. Seen from behind, he seems to be urinating in front of Puvis’ solemn ladies.

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Exhibition: Reflections: Van Eyck and the Pre-Raphaelites

Date: Until April 2, 2018

Venue: National Gallery London

English Art in 1844

Until 1848, one could admire art in England, but would not be surprised by it. Reynolds and Gainsborough were great masters, but they were 18th-century painters rather than 18th-century English painters. It was their models, their ladies and young girls, rather than their brushwork, which gave an English character to their creations. Their aesthetic was similar to that of the rest of Europe at that time. Walking through the halls of London museums, one could see different paintings, but no difference in manner of the painting and drawing, or even in the conception or composition of a subject.

Only the landscape painters, led by Turner and Constable, sounded a new and powerful note at the beginning of the century. But one of them remained the only individual of his species, imitated as infrequently in his own country as elsewhere, while the work of the other was so rapidly imitated and developed by the French that he had the glory of creating a new movement in Europe rather than the good chance of providing his native country with a national art.

As for the others, they painted, with more or less skill, in the same way as artists of other nationalities. Their dogs, horses, village politicians, which formed little kitchen, interior, and genre scenes were only interesting for a minute, and even then the artists did not handle them as well as the Dutch. Weak, muddy colours layered over bitumen, false and lacking in vitality, with shadows too dark and highlights too intense. Soft, hesitating outlines that were vague and generalising. And as the date of 1850 approached, Constable’s words of 1821 resonated, “In thirty years English art will have ceased to exist.”

And yet, if we look closely, two characteristics were there, lying dormant. First, the intellectuality of the subject. The English had always chosen scenes that were interesting, even a bit complicated, where the mind had as much to experience as the eye, where curiosity was stimulated, the memory put into play, and laughter or tears provoked by a silent story. It was rapidly becoming an established idea (visible in Hogarth) that the paintbrush was made for writing, storytelling, and teaching, not simply for showing.

However, prior to 1850 it merely spoke of the pettiness of daily life; it expressed faults, errors or rigid conventional feelings; it sought to portray a code of good behaviour. It played the same role as the books of images that were given to children to show them the outcomes of laziness, lying, and greed. The other quality was intensity of expression. Anyone who has seen Landseer’s dogs, or even a few of those animal studies in Englishillustrated newspapers where the habitus corporis is followed so closely, the expression so wellstudied, can easily understand what is meant by “intensity of expression”.

But in the same way that intellectuality was only present before 1850 in subjects that were not worth the effort, intensity of expression was only persistently sought and successfully attained in the representation of animal figures. Most human figures had a banal attitude, showing neither expressiveness nor accuracy, nor picturesque precision, and were placed on backgrounds imagined in the studio. They were prepared using academic formulas, according to general principles that were excellent in themselves, but poorly understood and lazily applied.

Such was English art until Ford Madox Brown came back from Antwerp and Paris, bringing an aesthetic revolution along with him. That is not to say that all the trends that have emerged and all the individuality that has developed since that time originated from this one artist, or that at the moment of his arrival, none of his compatriots were feeling or dreaming the same things that he was. But one must consider that in 1844, when William the Conqueror was exhibited for the first time, no trace of these new things had yet appeared. Rossetti was sixteen years old, Hunt seventeen, Millais fifteen, Watts twenty-six, Leighton fourteen, and Burne-Jones eleven, and consequently not one of these future masters had finished his training.

If one considers that the style of composition, outline, and painting ushered in by Madox Brown can be found fifty years after his first works in the paintings of Burne-Jones, having also appeared in those of Burne-Jones’ master Rossetti, one must acknowledge that the exhibitor of 1844 played the decisive role of sower, whereas others only tilled the soil in preparation or harvested once the crop had arrived.

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Exhibition: The Art of Pastel From Degas to Redon

Date: 15 September 2017 – 8 April 2018

Venue: Le Petit Palais 

Edgar Degas was closest to Pierre-Auguste Renoir in the Impressionist’s circle, for both favoured the animated Parisian life of their day as a motif in their paintings. Degas did not attend Charles Gleyre’s studio; most likely he first met the future Impressionists at the Café Guerbois. It is not known exactly where he met Édouard Manet. Perhaps they were introduced to one another by a mutual friend, the engraver Félix Bracquemond, or perhaps Manet, struck by Degas’ audacity, first spoke to him at the Louvre in 1862. Two months after meeting the Impressionists, Degas exhibited his canvases with Claude Monet’s group, and became one of the most loyal of the Impressionists: not only did he contribute works to each of their exhibitions except the seventh, he also participated very actively in organising them. All of which is curious, because he was rather distinct from the other Impressionists.

Degas came from a completely different milieu than that of Monet, Renoir, and Alfred Sisley. His grandfather René-Hilaire de Gas, a grain merchant, had been forced to flee from France to Italy in 1793 during the French Revolution. Business prospered for him there. After establishing a bank in Naples, de Gas wed a young girl from a rich Genoan family. Edgar preferred to write his name simply as Degas, although he happily maintained relations with his numerous de Gas relatives in Italy.

Enviably stable by nature, Degas spent his entire life in the neighbourhood where he was born. He scorned and disliked the Left Bank, perhaps because that was where his mother had died. In 1850, Edgar Degas completed his studies at Lycée Louis-le-Grand, and, in 1852, received his degree in law. Because his family was rich, his life as a painter unfolded far more smoothly than for the other Impressionists.

Degas started his apprenticeship in 1853 at the studio of Louis-Ernest Barrias and, beginning in 1854, studied under Louis Lamothe, who revered Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres above all others and transmitted his adoration for this master to Edgar Degas. Degas’ father was not opposed to his son’s choice. On the contrary: when, after the death of his wife, he moved to Rue Mondovi, he set up a studio for Edgar on the fourth floor, from which the Place de la Concorde could be seen over the rooftops. Edgar’s father himself was an amateaur painter and connoisseur; he introduced his son to his many friends. Among them were Achille Deveria, curator of the Department of Prints and Drawings at the Bibliothèque Nationale, who permitted Edgar to copy from the drawings of the Old Masters: Rembrandt, Dürer, Goya, Holbein.

His father also introduced him to his friends in the Valpinçon family of art collectors, at whose home the future painter met the great Ingres. All his life Degas would remember Ingres’ advice as one would remember a prayer: “Draw lines … Lots of lines, whether from memory or from life” (Paul Valéry, Écrits sur l’Art [Writings on Art], Paris, 1962). Starting in 1854, Degas travelled frequently to Italy: first to Naples, where he made the acquaintance of his numerous cousins, and then to Rome and Florence where he copied tirelessly from the Old Masters. His drawings and sketches already revealed very clear preferences: Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Andrea Mantegna, but also Benozzo Gozzoli, Ghirlandaio, Titian, Fra Angelico, Uccello, and Botticelli. He went to Orvieto Cathedral specifically to copy from the frescoes of Luca Signorelli, and visited Perugia and Assisi. The pyrotechnics of Italian painting dazzled him. Degas was lucky like no other.

One can only marvel at the sensitivity Edgar’s father demonstrated with respect to his son’s vocation, at his insight into his son’s goals, and at the way he was able to encourage the young painter. “You’ve taken a giant step forwards in your art, your drawing is strong, your colour tone is precise,” he wrote his son. “You no longer have anything to worry about, my dear Edgar, you are progressing beautifully. Calm your mind and, with tranquil and sustained effort, stick to the furrow that lies before you without straying. It’s your own – it is no one else’s. Go on working calmly, and keep to this path” (J. Bouret, Degas, Paris, 1987).

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